In recent years, gun control debates have focused primarily on background checks for buyers, allowing people to carry weapons in public, and whether to allow the possession of assault rifles. And there are others barred as well; a full list of the prohibitions can be found here.
Federal law requires that licensed gun dealers conduct a background check, through a database run by the F. But the system has major holes in it, among them incomplete listings of criminal cases. Perhaps the biggest hole is that small-scale sellers, including many who do business at gun shows, are not required to do background checks — the so-called gun show loophole. Most people with serious mental illness never receive such adjudication, and those who do can petition courts to have it reversed. Many mass shootings have been carried out by people who were recognized by those around them as being deeply disturbed, yet were able to own guns legally.
From to , federal law also banned the sale of many types of assault rifles and high-capacity magazines, but the law expired and has not been renewed. A few states have assault weapon bans of their own that remain in place. Some states have more stringent background check systems than the federal one, for example, and some require checks before private sales like those at gun shows. Some states require a license or permit to own a gun , but most do not. Laws on carrying weapons vary enormously. Most states allow anyone who legally owns a gun to carry it openly, in public, without requiring a license or permit.
A few states also have no permit requirement to carry a concealed gun. Concealed carry requires a permit in most states, but the majority of those states grant the permits automatically to any legal gun owners who want them. States also vary in their rules on gun possession in specific settings, like campuses and houses of worship. For example, in Rhode Island, any person with a concealed carry permit can bring a gun onto the grounds of a public school , but next door in Massachusetts, written permission from school officials is required — and rarely given.
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There is no consensus. In fact, law enforcement officials have the same kinds of cultural and regional divides as everyone else. In general, big-city police chiefs are more likely to support gun control, and small-town chiefs and sheriffs are more likely to oppose it. Those in the Northeast are more likely than those in the South and West to favor it. The Major Cities Chiefs Association endorses closing the gun show loophole, strengthening the background check system, reinstating the assault weapons ban and other measures.
And some rural sheriffs have simply refused to enforce new controls. While some high-profile shootings have resulted in calls for increased restrictions, that support has proved fleeting thus far. Gun control is one of the most sharply divisive issues in the U. This chart , compiled by the Roper Center, provides a summary of public opinion on the issue since The most recent reading was taken in mid-September by Quinnipiac University, and found Americans were evenly divided.
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Several polls in the last several months have shown a similar divide with majorities of Democrats and those without a gun in their households favoring more restrictions on guns and majorities of Republicans and gun owners voicing opposition. The results, however, also depend in part on how you ask the question.
Surveys that ask broadly whether people favor stricter gun laws show the public roughly evenly divided but when surveys ask people about specific gun restrictions, the picture becomes much more pro-control.
Overwhelming majorities support universal background checks, and steps to keep guns out of the hands of mentally ill people. Those changes have vast support among Republicans and Democrats, and gun owners and non-owners alike. In , The New York Times profiled several people from across the country who had intimate experiences with firearms, including gun enthusiasts who fell on both sides of the gun control debate. Jun 22, Siria rated it it was ok Shelves: I simply couldn't suspend my disbelief at the underlying conceit of the novel, and the prose and characterisation were too weak and ham-fisted to compensate for that.
Also, Somoza appears to have a grasp of Plato's theories which I would find weak in a first year undergraduate—ironic in a book which seems designed as a showpiece for how clever the author is. Dec 20, Madhulika Liddle rated it it was amazing. In ancient Athens, Heracles Pontor, the Decipherer of Enigmas, is commissioned to investigate a death.
Heracles sets out to find the truth… But this is nothing more than a novel, an ancient Greek work by an anonymous writer.
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Even as he makes his way through the novel, this Translator finds more and more that is interesting, intriguing, then disturbing and finally downright impossible. Or so it seems. The text is riddled with eidetic references: Add to that the simultaneous progression of the Translator always appearing only as footnotes, which become increasingly intense, emotional and lengthy as his own involvement with the book increases.
And yes, the end is the icing on the cake. Not just the icing, the cherry, the gold dust, the everything. In , unknown suspects vandalized the Monastirioton synagogue, a memorial for Holocaust victims, and Jewish cemeteries in Thessaloniki and Athens. On 6 October , during a football match between Greece and Albania in Athens, Albanian supporters burnt a Greek flag in their stand. This act was captured and broadcast extensively by the Greek media, leading to a series of angry reactions by Greek nationalists against foreign immigrants.
In a specific case, on the night of 22 October, Pantelis Kazakos, a nationalist and a member of the Golden Dawn,    said he felt "insulted by the burning of the Greek flag" and shot and killed two people and wounded seven others in an attack in central Athens. All of the victims were immigrants, and four of the wounded remain paralysed. It has described itself as a "fan club of the Greek national teams" and its goal as "to defend Greek national pride inside the stadiums. Galazia Stratia and Golden Dawn have been accused of various acts of sports-related violence.
Greek hooligans felt provoked by this and violence erupted against Albanian immigrants in various parts of Greece, resulting in the murder of an Albanian in Zakynthos and many others being injured. Golden Dawn and Galazia Stratia were proven to be directly responsible for many of the attacks. Antonios Androutsopoulos aka Periandros , a prominent member of Golden Dawn, was a fugitive from to 14 September after being accused of the attempted murder on 16 June of three left-wing students — including Dimitris Kousouris, who was badly injured.
The authorities' failure to apprehend Androutsopoulos for seven years prompted criticism by the Greek media.
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An article in Ta Nea claimed that Periandros remained in Greece and evaded arrest because of his connections with the police. Some allege that Androutsopoulos had evaded arrest because he had been residing in Venezuela until when he turned himself in. On 2 February , Golden Dawn planned to hold the annual march for the twelfth anniversary of the Imia military crisis. Anti-fascist groups organised a protest in order to cancel the march, as a response to racist attacks allegedly caused by Golden Dawn members.
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Golden Dawn members occupied the square in which the march was to take place, and when anti-fascists showed up, clashes occurred. During the riots that followed, Golden Dawn members were seen attacking the anti-fascists with riot police doing nothing to stop them and actually letting them pass through their lines. This led to two people being stabbed and another two wounded by rocks. There were allegations that Golden Dawn members even carried police equipment with them and that Golden Dawn's equipment was carried inside a police van.
On 7 September a bomb exploded at Golden Dawn's offices. In November , Golden Dawn's offices were attacked by a group of Anarchists with molotov cocktails and stones. There were gunshots, and two people who claimed that they were just passing by were injured. On 19 March , a bomb described by police as of "moderate power" was detonated in the fifth floor office of Golden Dawn, in downtown Athens. Twenty-five minutes prior to the blast, an unidentified caller contacted a local newspaper in order to announce the attack.
The targeted building and the surrounding area were evacuated in response.
The explosion caused substantial property damage but no casualties. The office reopened on 10 April On 4 December , a makeshift bomb containing dynamite exploded at Golden Dawn's office building in Aspropyrgos , a suburb of Athens. The explosion caused significant damage to two floors but produced no casualties. On 13 February an improvised bomb exploded in the regional office of Golden Dawn in Piraeus.
The explosion and the subsequent fire caused material damage. Next morning a similar improvised bomb exploded outside the offices of Golden Dawn in the city of Larissa , central Greece.
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The explosion caused only material damage. On 7 June , Golden Dawn spokesman Ilias Kasidiaris slapped Communist MP Liana Kanelli about the head three times during a live debate on the morning show Proino ANT1 ; she had thrown a newspaper and verbal abuse at him during the previous commercial break. Kasidiaris was subsequently locked in a room by the staff of the ANT1 TV station, but he knocked down the door and left. Greek prosecutors issued an arrest warrant. The incident resulted in several protests against Golden Dawn in Athens and other Greek cities.
Political analyst Theodore Couloumbis told Reuters that the incident could cost Golden Dawn votes, especially among women, though other experts were of the opinion that images of violence could play in their favour—a Facebook page dedicated to Kasidiaris picked up 6, 'likes' within 24 hours. In September , a year-old man alleged to have had ties to Golden Dawn was arrested for murder after Pavlos Fyssas, known as hip-hop artist Killah P, was stabbed twice following a brawl in Piraeus.
The police later raided Golden Dawn offices in Athens. The party denies any alleged connections to the murder. A third, Alexandros Gerontas, was severely injured. Police described the event as a terrorist attack. During April, supporters were present in Piraeus , where they came into conflict with supporters of refugees, and additionally in Chios , where they fought with police from Athens, after having attacked migrants and refugees there.
In Thessaloniki it is widely discussed that far-right organisations are active in the security forces. Members of such organisations were the planners and chief executioners of the riot and nobody was arrested. A Special Forces officer, speaking at a briefing of Special Forces policemen who were to be on duty that day, told the policemen not to arrest anyone because the rioters were not enemies and threatened that should this be overlooked there would be penalties.
Before the surrender of Androutsopoulos, an article in the newspaper Ta Nea claimed that Golden Dawn had a close relationship with elements of the Greek police force. The article claimed that there was a confidential internal police investigation which concluded that:. The newspaper published a photograph of a typewritten paragraph with no identifiable insignia as evidence of the secret investigation. Chrysochoidis also denied accusations that far-right connections within the police force delayed the arrest of Periandros. He said that leftist groups, including the ultra-left anti-state resistance group 17 November , responsible for several murders, had similarly evaded the police for decades.
In both cases, he attributed the failures to "stupidity and incompetence" by the force. In more recent years, anti-fascist and left-wing groups have claimed that many of Golden Dawn's members have close relationships or collaborated with Greece's Central Intelligence Service, the predecessor to the National Intelligence Service , and accused Michaloliakos of working for the KYP from the s.
One piece of evidence for this, published in a Greek newspaper, was a payslip showing the names of both Michaloliakos and Konstantinos Plevris as operating for the agency, which Golden Dawn claimed was a forgery.
For them, Golden Dawn supporters are their only allies on the frontline when there are clashes between riot police and leftists. After the Greek Parliamentary elections of 6 May , it became known that more than one out of two Greek police officers voted for Golden Dawn in some districts.